1/17/2008

Sin of Omission

So, I just saw a replay of some Romney speech (I believe the one he gave upon winning Michigan), and he named George H.W. Bush as an inspiration. What an exciting, energizing executive upon which to model yourself! Really, thrilling. That Romney guy, he's really one for walking the edge.

But seriously, you can't help but also read the comment as a backhanded slap at the younger -- and certainly lesser -- Bush. Mitt said that he derives strength and ideas from the legacies of Reagan and Bush I, the implication-by-omission being that Dubya isn't worthy of the adulation or replication (shocker . . .).

Not that I'm complaining about the choice to steer clear of Bush II's legacy. I couldn't agree more, really. If there's a recent Republican tradition to be observed, it's that of senior rather than the junior George. H.W. was an old Yankee conservative, ambivalent on social issues, cautious in foreign affairs, and at least somewhat dedicated to fiscal discipline. He was far from a great man, but his administration was a charming and successful venture compared to his son's.

The "Big Tent", Again

The realities of the GOP frequently conflict with its P.R. (which explains why hacks and spinsters are so valued by the party). While paying ample lip-service to limited government, constitutionalism, and Judeo-Christian morality, Republican actions – on a personal and collective level – consistently fail to advance those righteous principles.

Perhaps the greatest discrepancy between the supposed and the actual stems from the flawed claim that Republicans operate a “big tent” party. This has been standard mantra for a while now, but despite having been around the block, it remains mostly uncontested.

Rather than tolerating unorthodoxy, Republicans are notorious for enforcing lockstep march, and punishing any hint of ideological deviation. This prejudice is evident by the institutionalized resistance to Pat Buchanan’s bid in 1996, or John McCain’s independent-minded campaign in 2000, as well as the violent reaction of today’s establishment against Mike Huckabee, Ron Paul, and others.

Indeed, the current Republican Party is a brittle and unadventurous organization, complacent with graying dogma. It eschews critical thinking, has a puny capacity for ideas, and a worrisome unwillingness (inability?) to consider even the most modest paradigm shift.

Crystallization began in the 1980’s – when conservatism finally exploded onto the national stage in two spectacular elections – but it reached completion following the neo-conservative putsch earlier this decade. During that stretch, there arose a GOP elite, ensconced primarily in Washington and Manhattan. These slick, coastal bigwigs have slowly produced a rigid mold into which all Republicans (and, presumably, all conservatives) must fit, or risk excommunication.

The present right-wing ideal – an unabashed hawk with Wall Street and White House loyalties, a nasty spending habit, and passing interest in constitutionalism – is relentlessly praised by the likes of Rush Limbaugh, Ann Coulter, and National Review. There are, of course, other attractive qualities (an unusual amount of concern over the “gay agenda”, for example), but these are definitely secondary, often used to sucker Heartland voters to no real benefit of their own.

In enforcing this Republican model, the partisans of the “Reagan coalition” (a strange term, since much 21st century GOP policy would horrify the Gipper) have, very consciously, dismembered the Grand Old Party. Liberal, moderate, and libertarian cadres – those old boys from New England and the urban Northeast and the mountain West – are increasingly viewed as heretical, as is the expansive Old Right.

Now, it’s untrue to say that these blocs have been totally shut-out of party process. The Washington/Manhattan axis has seen fit to maintain a loose alliance with them, conjuring single issue firestorms (abortion, same-sex marriage, etc.) in order to keep relations somewhat viable. The upper-crust similarly manipulates right-wing populists (a.k.a. Christian Democrats, a.k.a. Reagan Democrats) and Bible Belt folk. However, the establishment has less obvious disdain for these types, owing to their impressive voting strength.

The net result of this hierarchically-imposed orthodoxy is an ever-narrowing definition of what it means to be in and of and for the “right.” The only chance for a more inclusive right-of-center party is popular rebellion, from the dirt on up. The disenfranchised groups must make their voices heard, their sentiments known. They must demand that their unique takes on conservatism are once again considered legitimate, and respected by the larger coalition. There must be no more institutionalized mockery and exploitation. It’s time that moderates, paleos, and all the others refuse to be second-class conservatives, second-rate Republicans.

This election suggests that the grassroots are in fact disgruntled, and itching to rock the boat. The candidacies of Tom Tancredo, Duncan Hunter, Mike Huckabee, Ron Paul, and even John McCain represent insurgencies. Lou Dobbs’ new-found success is also good news, as is the public’s realization that unchecked multiculturalism, bellicosity, and globalization have the potential to destroy (what remains of) our republic.

Given the internal and external dangers currently facing America, the need for a truly “big tent” right is of the utmost importance. Yacht club grandees, red-meat nativists, cautious suburbanites, “Country” faction decentralists, pro-worker traditionalists, crunchy cons, isolationists, and constitutionalists may not have everything in common, but they can surely unite behind one slogan: “It’s Our Party, Too --- Give It Back!”

1/15/2008

Ah well . . .

It appears that Mitt's first gold is coming down the pipe right now. Okay, that's fine: Mac in S.C.! (Plus, in the end, is Romney really the worst the GOP could put up front? No, hardly.)

This nomination is still way up in the air. Now even the prospect of a brokered convention doesn't seem so crazy. In fact, it seems sensible. As it presently stands, Feb. 5 may not really decide all that much. It might confuse, rather than confuse.

If the Republicans know what's best for them, they'll end up settling with McCain. Here's hopin'.

1/14/2008

Calling the Wolverine State

Nobody can say with any real confidence who will win tomorrow's GOP primary in Michigan. On the eve of this critical contest, McCain and Romney are running neck and neck. And given the breathtaking events in New Hampshire, pollsters and pundits alike are spooked. Few hard predictions have been issued by the T.V. and radio men.

Me, my money's on McCain. The senator's bold and forward-looking vision for Michigan labor may not push him over the edge (just too hard to hear for many laid-off autoworkers), but I imagine Romney's calculated polish has, on some level, offended potential voters. On the other hand, McCain's grandfatherly appearance and knockabout personality are decidedly Midwestern, and should've endeared him to the Wolverine State.

Then there's the iffy matter of immigration, which will hurt the AZ senator, but I don't think Romney has fashioned himself a staunch enough nativist to draw robust support from the Minuteman crowd.

Maybe I'm banking too much on personality. Maybe Michigan voters are too conservative to accept a Republican who doesn't foam at the mouth over Mexican strawberry pickers, a Republican who's willing to state a hard truth: global capitalism is killing the Midwestern auto complex, and unless we're willing to go the way of aggressive protectionism, that trend ain't getting any better. America is rapidly becoming a post-industrial society; certain parts are feeling the disorientation of change in a particularly negative way. That is, sadly, the nature of the market, the same market that once drove America's automotive field to global prominence. Ashes to ashes, dust to dust . . . money makes and unmakes with equal ease.

Perhaps tax incentives could be used to anchor heavy production and manufacturing at home, but again, will Americans (and REPUBLICANS??) support that degree of interventionist government?

Anyway, Michigan to McCain, by a small but respectable margin (+2.5pts??).

Will I regret that in some twenty-four hours? Stay tuned . . .

Patriots, Not Partisans

I think the great appeal of John McCain and Barack Obama among the grassroots and on Main Street has much to do with their muscular patriotism. Both men exhibit an honest love of country, a wholesome affection that stands in stark contrast to the bellicose nationalism of the GOP and the Democrats' standard "America's okay" anemia.

They don't appear strictly beholden to party interests, nor are they easily lured into ideological crusades. McCain and Obama understand the presidency as a chance to unite and lead the whole United States, not just red states or blue states.

Their shared passion also explains why many thoughtful individuals are smitten by both at once, and why N.H. independents were neatly divided between their respective camps. An Obama/McCain general election really couldn't turn out badly: regardless of who loses, America would win.

Santorum Slams McCain

Rick Santorum, Pennsylvania's most sensational puritan, has come out against the senator's presidential bid. Yet another reason to vote McCain, mm?

“The bottom line is that I served 12 years with him, 6 years in the United States Senate as leader, one of the leaders of the Senate — the number-3 leader — who had the responsibility of trying to put together the conservative agenda, and almost at every turn on domestic policy, John McCain was not only against us, but leading the charge on the other side.”

Helpless Romney supporter Kathryn Jean Lopez brings you the full story.

Performer-Enhancing Steroids?

We all know about the steroid allegations against athletes. It's not like that's ever been a surprise, either - some people will do whatever they can to gain an advantage on the field. So the claims against Roger Clemens, Barry Bonds, and Chris Benoit aren't that hard to believe.

But in a new investigation, it seems the sports stars aren't the center of attention anymore, but the stars of the music industry - most notably in the urban genres of rap and R&B. The biggest artists named in the report include rappers 50 Cent, Timbaland, and Wyclef as well as renowned singer Mary J. Blige.

And since steroids don't have any effect on vocal chords - as far as I'm aware, anyway - the question becomes why? Yes, they can help prevent the appearance of aging just as well as Botox injections and yes they can help improve the overall growth of muscles, but what effect does that really have on a professional career in the music industry?

Everyone has come to expect rappers like 50 Cent to have extremely large muscles, but I fail to understand how that effects the music. Would hits like "Candy Shop" have been less successful if he didn't look the same? It's too bad I can't actually answer that, as I have no clue how much the image goes into marketing...but I'd guess it wouldn't have much of an effect since there are 'bands' out there like The Gorillaz.

And then there's Mary, who surely doesn't have to worry about muscle mass. Instead, she's (if the allegations are true) probably caught up in the never-ending attempt to look younger. This I don't understand, either. I'm much more impressed with performers who age gracefully in the spotlight rather than hide their age with artificial supplements.

I suppose I'm just stumped, then. Since I can't see the performers while the CD is playing, it just doesn't matter to me.

Dirty Little (Public?) Secret

Well, well. The Romney campaign is out for laughs, asserting that a pro-Huckabee group is up to no good in Michigan.

"It was an attack call masquerading as a poll," Hoekstra said in a phone interview . . . Hoekstra said the calls attacked Romney on his past support for abortion rights, gun control and gay rights.

This is really so terrible? Basically, team Romney is upset that team Huck is pointing out the obvious: the former governor of Massachusetts' Reaganite conservatism is freshly acquired (to put it nicely). Funny thing is, there was a time -- a time in the not-so-distant past -- when this was public knowledge. Mitt was once your standard Yankee moderate, a RINO in bed with the likes of Linc Chafee and Chris Shays and Olympia Snow.

Throughout most of his public life, Romney situated himself away from the culture warrior wing of the GOP: he was first and foremost a competent and honorable manager, a man capable of shrinking and streamlining the state. That's a basic formula for New England's right-of-center politicians, particulary in Massachusetts (see: Jane Swift, Paul Cellucci, etc.). During his Senate run in 1994, he even declared openly for abortion.

It's a pity, then, that Romney let opportunism get the better of him. His (fairly rapid) transformation into a torture-praising, church-storming virtuecrat (well documented in Harper's September '07 issue) is one of the more bizarre consequences of this election. Ultimately, I think the change undermines the future of his career, severely impugning his integrity as an individual and a public servant. Once you start rubbing elbows with the wrong folks, their stink can really stick.
Ah, what things men will do for the White House. But what does it profit a man, if he gains the whole world but loses his soul?

1/13/2008

The Bush Legacy

Eight years of bleeding heart conservatism -- that is, big guvmint conservatism, sham conservatism. Even Jonah Goldberg freely admits as much now . . .

When Huckabee says that, he means it in the same way that Bush promised not to surrender health care and education (another Huckabee issue) to his opponents when he ran as a "compassionate conservative." As a result, we got the biggest federal government expansion into education in history and the largest spike in entitlement spending since the Great Society?

Is limited government conservatism dead? That question is on the forefront of every right-of-center American mind.

If that notion is exhausted, then along what ideological axis are self-described "conservatives" to align? Will reactionary social policy be the central organizing principle? Maybe kneejerk nativism? War and torture and bald-faced corporatism?

So many questions to be answered . . .

1/12/2008

Doug's Opening Thoughts, Election and Otherwise


Look! I finally figured this blogger thing out! For a while I was feeling completely inept, but hopefully I won't make any big mistakes for the time being.

Anyway, I'm quite excited to have this opportunity to write in a more informal manner than on the actual opinion page. Don't get me wrong, I love The Beacon, but mild rants and spur-of-the-moment outbursts seem more appropriate here (but don't worry, Phil, I'll definately keep it professional and, hopefully, thought-provoking) and I'm more likely to have a lot of those than ideas for full-blown articles.

Overall, I'm looking forward to the upcoming semester and I hope we can really move the section in a positive direction.

Introduction aside, this election has me worried. The stakes (as far as I'm concerned) have never been higher in economics, foreign policy, and domestic issues such as equal rights and education - yet none of the candidates seem to have a grip on reality; some even go as far as saying that there is no real problem with social security. Seriously? Get a reality check.

But my biggest concern is Hillary Clinton. Where did she come from? New York? No, she only moved there because she knew she could win a Senate seat. Her husband's shadow? More likely.

The recent remarks Bill made have me wondering what Hillary would be without him. It's gotten to the point where he can't even make a comment without having a major impact on her campaign.

But is he enough to win her the election? In AOL's latest straw poll, Hillary is leading with support from 51% of Democrats...so, maybe. But I don't understand where the support is coming from. It's not like she has the experience - oh, sorry, I forgot that none of the top three Democrats have any real experience...

I guess we'll wait and see.